Wednesday, September 23, 2026

Tiberius, Claudius, Nero, reluctant about rulership

 



480 × 360by

 

Damien F. Mackey

 

 

“According to the official version of events, Claudius heard what had happened

and feared that Caligula's assassins meant to kill him too. He hid behind a curtain but was soon discovered by a Praetorian named Gratus. When the quivering Claudius sank to his knees, expecting to be struck, Gratus raised him to his feet

and proclaimed him emperor. Claudius was then whisked away to the

Praetorian camp for his protection”.

 

World History Encyclopedia

 

 

Some who became kings, even great ones, had never expected to rule.  

 

An Old Testament example of this is Hazael the Syrian, not in the royal line, who had, just prior to his being told by the prophet Elisha that he would become “King of Aram [Syria]”, referred to himself as “a mere dog” (2 Kings 8:13).

And yet he would go on to reign mightily for some four decades.

 

The expression “dog”, here, equates approximately to what certain Assyro-Babylonian kings would say of themselves, “son of a nobody”, when surprised to find that they had now become king:

 

Four great kings self-identified as ‘son of a nobody’ - or was this just the one mighty ruler?

 

(3) Four great kings self-identified as 'son of a nobody' - or was this just the one mighty ruler?

 

In this particular article I had gone so far as to consider, in line with my revision, that these ‘four great kings’ might be able to be boiled down to just the one.

 

So, now turning to much later history, what might be the case with Tiberius, with Claudius, with Nero, who, we find, were most reluctant to rule?

 

Tiberius

 

“Why Tiberius Was Such a Reluctant Emperor

 

Few Roman emperors came to power with more experience than Tiberius, and few seemed to enjoy power less once it was finally his. He had commanded armies, governed provinces, negotiated with difficult allies, restored discipline after military disasters, and spent decades inside the political machine created by Augustus.

By the time he became emperor in AD 14, he was not a naïve heir suddenly handed an impossible position. He was one of the most capable men in the empire, but capability did not make him eager, warm, or comfortable in the role.

The strange thing about Tiberius is that his reluctance was not simple weakness. He was not a man without ambition, nor was he incapable of ruling. His career before the throne had been too successful for that. The problem was that the imperial role he inherited was politically unnatural, personally poisoned, and almost impossible to perform with honesty. Augustus had spent decades pretending that one-man rule was not really monarchy, and Tiberius inherited not only the power of the first emperor, but also the uncomfortable act that came with it.

 

That act suited Augustus far better than it suited Tiberius. Augustus could charm, compromise, disguise command as consensus, and make domination look like restoration. Tiberius was more severe, suspicious, literal-minded, and socially awkward. He understood the artificial nature of the Principate, perhaps too well, and he seems to have found its ceremonies exhausting. He had to rule as monarch while acting like the first citizen, accept supreme authority while pretending the Senate still mattered, and present himself as heir to Augustus while knowing that he had never been the heir Augustus truly wanted.

 

Few Roman emperors came to power with more experience than Tiberius, and few seemed to enjoy power less once it was finally his. He had commanded armies, governed provinces, negotiated with difficult allies, restored discipline after military disasters, and spent decades inside the political machine created by Augustus. By the time he became emperor in AD 14, he was not a naïve heir suddenly handed an impossible position. He was one of the most capable men in the empire, but capability did not make him eager, warm, or comfortable in the role.

 

The strange thing about Tiberius is that his reluctance was not simple weakness. He was not a man without ambition, nor was he incapable of ruling. His career before the throne had been too successful for that.

 

The problem was that the imperial role he inherited was politically unnatural, personally poisoned, and almost impossible to perform with honesty. Augustus had spent decades pretending that one-man rule was not really monarchy, and Tiberius inherited not only the power of the first emperor, but also the uncomfortable act that came with it.

 

That act suited Augustus far better than it suited Tiberius. Augustus could charm, compromise, disguise command as consensus, and make domination look like restoration. Tiberius was more severe, suspicious, literal-minded, and socially awkward. He understood the artificial nature of the Principate, perhaps too well, and he seems to have found its ceremonies exhausting. He had to rule as monarch while acting like the first citizen, accept supreme authority while pretending the Senate still mattered, and present himself as heir to Augustus while knowing that he had never been the heir Augustus truly wanted”.

 

Why Tiberius Was Such a Reluctant Emperor | UNRV Roman History

 

Claudius

 

October 9, 2025 | By aiguanli

 

“The Unexpected Rise and Reign of Emperor Claudius:

From Reluctant Monarch to Reformist Ruler

 

The ascension of Claudius to the Roman imperial throne between 41 and 55 AD marks one of the most remarkable and paradoxical episodes in the annals of ancient Rome. From his unexpected elevation following the assassination of Caligula to his intricate personal life and political reforms, Claudius’s reign offers rich insights into the complexities of imperial power, Roman politics, and cultural transformations during the early Imperial period. This article delves into Claudius’s character, his governance, the intrigues surrounding his court, and his enduring legacy.

 

The Turbulent Context: The Death of Caligula and a City on Edge

 

In January 41 AD, the assassination of Emperor Caligula sent shockwaves through Rome.

 

The sudden murder of the volatile ruler plunged the city into chaos as senators and military factions scrambled to determine the future governance of the empire. The Roman Senate convened in the Temple of Jupiter to debate fervently whether to restore the Republic or continue with the Imperial system. This debate raged through the night, reflecting deep divisions within the elite.

 

However, the Praetorian Guard—the emperor’s personal bodyguards and a formidable military force—had already made their decision. Their loyalty was a decisive factor in imperial succession at this time. Meanwhile, Claudius, Caligula’s uncle, was hiding in fear behind a curtain in a palace, terrified for his life. A soldier, searching for loot, noticed Claudius’s feet and pulled him out. Initially begging for mercy, Claudius was soon recognized and hailed as emperor by the soldiers. This sequence of events underscores the unpredictable and often brutal nature of Roman imperial politics.

 

Claudius’s Background: The “Unlikely” Emperor

 

Claudius’s rise was unexpected largely because of his reputation within the Julio-Claudian family. He was the younger brother of Germanicus and had been dismissed as a figure of limited intelligence and physical frailty throughout his life. His mother, Antonia Minor, reportedly described him as a “monster of nature, unfinished.” Even Augustus and Livia, the founding figures of the Roman Empire, held him in low regard. Under Tiberius’s rule, Claudius remained marginalized and was considered a political non-threat.

 

Ironically, these perceptions of Claudius as slow-witted and weak may have saved him from the deadly purges that befell many of his more talented relatives. His survival amid the lethal intrigues of the Julio-Claudian dynasty reveals the perilous environment of imperial succession and court life.

 

However, the image of Claudius as merely a simpleton is misleading. Despite physical disabilities and a stutter, Claudius was highly educated, fluent in Greek and Latin, and an enthusiastic scholar of history and law.

 

His intellectual curiosity and administrative talents became more evident during his reign, challenging contemporary prejudices. …”.

 

The Unexpected Rise and Reign of Emperor Claudius: From Reluctant Monarch to Reformist Ruler – Ancient War History

 

Nero

 

The Reluctant Emperor: Nero’s Approach to Provincial Governance and Military Expansion

 

Introduction: The Imperial Mandate

 

The Roman Empire under the Julio-Claudian dynasty operated under a dual mandate that every citizen could read on the bronze tablets adorning the Mausoleum of Augustus – the emperor must ensure the welfare of the provinces while simultaneously pursuing territorial expansion.

 

This sacred charge, articulated in the Res Gestae Divi Augusti, established the fundamental responsibilities that would guide Augustus’s successors for generations. The document served not merely as a record of accomplishments but as a perpetual reminder to future rulers of their duties to both the Roman people and the ever-expanding imperial frontiers.

 

The Augustan Precedent and Provincial Administration

 

Augustus established the gold standard for provincial governance, maintaining detailed firsthand knowledge of every territory under Roman control. His successor Tiberius continued this tradition of meticulous oversight, recognizing that effective provincial administration formed the bedrock of imperial stability. The system established by Augustus represented a significant improvement over Republican practices, where provincial governors like Verres – famously prosecuted by Cicero – had engaged in spectacular exploitation with relative impunity.

 

By the Augustan era, while corruption certainly persisted, the most egregious forms of plunder were no longer tolerated. Provincial governors understood that excessive exploitation would bring imperial displeasure, though few returned from their postings any poorer. The system created incentives for moderate corruption while punishing only the most outrageous abuses. This delicate balance between permitted enrichment and punishable excess would characterize Roman provincial administration for centuries.

 

Military Expectations of Roman Emperors

 

Roman emperors were expected to be military leaders first and administrators second. The tradition of imperial military leadership stretched back to Augustus himself, who, despite his famously cautious approach to expansion, understood the symbolic importance of military success. Subsequent emperors recognized this expectation – Caligula at least planned military action in Britain, while the unmartial Claudius actually organized a campaign there, earning sufficient military renown to name his son Britannicus in commemoration of his victory.

 

The emperor’s personal participation in military campaigns served multiple purposes: it demonstrated courage and leadership, provided opportunities for bonding with troops, and generated valuable propaganda. Even when competent generals managed actual operations, the emperor’s presence transformed military successes into personal triumphs that strengthened his political position.

Nero’s Unconventional Approach to Imperial Duties

 

Nero broke dramatically with this tradition of military engagement. Until AD 66, he never set foot outside Italy, avoiding Rome’s military traditions to pursue his artistic passions.

 

This represented a fundamental reimagining of imperial responsibilities – Nero believed that emperors could effectively supervise provinces without personal inspection and command armies without taking the field.

 

His approach reflected both personal inclination and political calculation. The early years of his reign saw military matters temporarily marginalized in favor of securing peaceful stability across all frontiers. Surprisingly, provincial administration also received little attention in Nero’s early pronouncements, despite the provincial backgrounds of his chief advisors, Seneca and Burrus.

 

The Advisory Circle: Seneca, Burrus, and Provincial Oversight

 

Nero’s reign began under the guidance of experienced counselors who might have been expected to prioritize provincial affairs. Seneca, the Stoic philosopher from Hispania, and Burrus, the praetorian prefect from Gaul, both brought provincial perspectives to imperial governance. Yet historical records show surprisingly little evidence of their engagement with provincial administration.

 

This neglect may have reflected the relative stability of provincial governance established by their predecessors. The system created by Augustus generally functioned adequately without constant imperial intervention. However, this hands-off approach would have consequences as Nero’s reign progressed. ….

 

The Reluctant Emperor: Nero’s Approach to Provincial Governance and Military Expansion – Ancient War History

 

 

One or two villains: Sejanus and Tigellinus?

 



 

This paper investigates the striking similarities in the characterization

of Aelius Sejanus and Ofonius Tigellinus in Tacitus’ Annales”.

 

04D3.Corbett.pdf

 

Tacitus’ Evil Geniuses: Imperial Advisors in the Annales

 

The vision of the “evil genius” is a familiar one in our society. From numerous representations in film, literature and political satire, we have come to recognize the shadowy figure of the malevolent puppet-master. Such a character, however, is not absent from the histories of ancient Rome. This paper investigates the striking similarities in the characterization of Aelius Sejanus and Ofonius Tigellinus in Tacitus’ Annales. While there has been quite a bit of scholarly work done on characterization in the Annales, I shall expand on this research by focusing on these two figures, who do much to shape the legacies of their respective administrations.

 

Sejanus and Tigellinus, two of the greatest villains in Julio-Claudian history, exhibit several notable parallels: both are in high positions of power in the empire, acting as close advisors to the emperor; both earn the distrust and disdain of the populace; and it is due (at least in part) to associations with these men that both Tiberius and Nero suffer.

 

Stephen Daitz and Inez Scott Ryberg offer excellent discussions of the role of characterization in the history of the early empire. As Daitz explains, “Tacitus felt compelled to explain events in terms of personal forces, i.e. the traits of human personality. Since so many of the events were of a grim and unpleasant nature, it followed that the characters of those causing these events were bound to be equally grim and unpleasant” (Daitz - 1960).

 

Often the most compelling portrayals are those of villains, whereas “the virtuous are pale by comparison” (Daitz – 1960). It is from such scholarship that I wish to build upon our historiographical knowledge of the reigns of Tiberius and Nero. Whereas Daitz and Ryberg give much more room to the characterization of the emperors themselves, my research will shift the focus to these two men at the emperors’ sides.

 

I wish to draw special attention to how they are introduced and described, how they rise to power, and the implications of their presence, while exploring the literary techniques that Daitz and Ryberg examine in their studies. The language Tacitus employs is calculated, used to elicit certain responses from the reader and to direct sympathies elsewhere. The characters of the wicked, wily advisors are colorful devices to convey Tacitus’ pessimism about the institution of empire.

 

Given his disillusionment, it is no wonder that we witness such dark characters as Sejanus and Tigellinus, accomplices and agitators to imperial excess.

 

….

 

For further relevant comparisons, see Damien Mackey’s article:

 

Tiberius Claudius Nero knew how to bring the house down

 

(6) Tiberius Claudius Nero knew how to bring the house down

 

 

 

 

Tuesday, September 22, 2026

Tiberius Claudius Nero knew how to bring the house down

 



Previous scholars have noted the parallels between Tacitus’ account of the reign

of Tiberius and that of Nero. Beginning with the name shared by the two emperors, their mother’s manipulative influence, and their rather sketchy ascensions to power, Tacitus takes the parallels further than do other authors, even using similar language in his openings of the narratives of the two Julio-Claudians”.

Rebecca M. Edwards

 

Now this piece is interesting, it providing an angle that has not occurred to me in my pursuit of the emperor Nero (Damien F. Mackey).

Edwards: Bringing/Burning Down the House in the Reign of Tiberius/Nero

 

Bringing/Burning Down the House

in the Reign of Tiberius/Nero

 

Rebecca M. Edwards (Wright State University)

 

Previous scholars have noted the parallels between Tacitus’ account of the reign of Tiberius and that of Nero. Beginning with the name shared by the two emperors, their mother’s manipulative influence, and their rather sketchy ascensions to power, Tacitus takes the parallels further than do other authors, even using similar language in his openings of the narratives of the two Julio-Claudians (See esp. Martin, CQ n.s. 5 (1955) 123-128).

 

The most striking parallel is, of course, found in the phrases “primum facinus novi principatis” (Ann. 1.6.1) and “prima novo principatu mors” (Ann. 13.1.1), but others exist. In this paper I would like to compare the account of the disaster at Fidenae and the subsequent fire on the mons Caelius in Book 4 of the Annals to the events of Book 15.

 

In Book 4 of the Annals, during a sojourn to Campania specie dedicandi some temples, Tiberius is nearly killed by a cave-in at Sperlonga (Ann. 4.59). Only the vigilance of his prefect Sejanus saves him. Tacitus follows his account of the cave-in at Sperlonga with two natural disasters—a cave-in of the amphitheater at Fidenae, and the fire on the Mons Caelius—both of which require the aid of the princeps. The Romans blame their emperor for these natural disasters and the emperor’s escape from the cave-in at Sperlonga is contrasted with the casualties at Fidenae. Nevertheless, due to the emperor’s generosity after the fire, a proposal is made that the Mons Caelius be renamed in his honor, a proposal which Tiberius turns down. He then leaves Rome for good and ensconces himself on Capri.

 

In Book 15, Nero decides to test his theatrical talent in Campania (Naples).

 

While Suetonius’ account (Nero 20) mentions only an earthquake, Tacitus (Ann. 15.34) claims that after the show was over and everyone had left, the theater collapsed. Subsequently, Nero decides to turn Rome into his own private playground, and his prefect Tigellinus, builds a floating island (if you will), around which many of the debaucheries (like those on Capri) take place. The senate cannot decide if they are better off when Nero is at Rome or far away, not unlike the position of the senate under Tiberius. The question is answered when the great fire breaks out, supposedly caused by Nero’s desire to rebuild the city in his own image and name it after himself. Nero, instead of leaving town after helping people recover from the fire, turns the city into his own private house. Instead of moving the court to Capri, he’s bringing Capri to the court, and in turn, to Rome.

 

The language employed by Tacitus in narrating these episodes as well as the juxtaposition of the episodes of collapsing theaters and burning cities calls to mind the comparison initiated by the similarities in the narratives surrounding the successions of Tiberius and Nero. But these similarities are then used by Tacitus to show the differences between the reigns of the two emperors. The collapse of the amphitheater at Fidenae occurs because the emperor hates the theater. That is obviously not the case with Nero. Likewise, after the fire on the Mons Caelius Tiberius aids owners in rebuilding their houses but then absconds to Capri to fulfill his lusts. Nero, on the other hand, absorbs the land cleared by the fire and fills Rome with his home. Tacitus thus shows how the principate has come full circle and the problems which began under Tiberius culminate in the reign of Nero.

 

This site is maintained by Samuel J. Huskey (webmaster@camws.org) | ©2008 CAMWS

 

Sunday, September 20, 2026

Situating those Two Witnesses of Revelation 11

 



“So John [the Evangelist] and Josephus both described two individuals

in Jerusalem who were hated, basically invincible for a while, finally killed,

and not allowed to be buried”.

 

Adam Maarschalk

 

 

Adam Maarschalk, who has written, from a preterist point of view, some compelling articles on the Book of the Apocalypse, has gone a long way towards identifying the Two Witnesses: The Two Witnesses Killed by the Beast (Revelation 11:3-13) – Pursuing Truth

….

 

Revelation 11:4

 

In Revelation 11:4, the two witnesses are identified as “the two olive trees and the two lampstands standing before the God of the earth.” As many scholars have recognized, this description draws on Zechariah’s “Vision of the Lampstand and Olive Trees”:

 

Now the angel who talked with me came back and wakened me, as a man who is wakened out of sleep. And he said to me, ‘What do you see?’ So I said, ‘I am looking, and there is a lampstand of solid gold with a bowl on top of it, and on the stand seven lamps with seven pipes to the seven lamps. Two olive trees are by it, one at the right of the bowl and the other at its left.’ … Then I answered and said to him, ‘What are these two olive trees …?’ So he said, ‘These are the two anointed ones, who stand before the Lord of the whole earth’” (Zechariah 4:1-3, 11, 14).

 

This vision came on the heels of Zechariah’s “Vision of the High Priest,” concerning the high priest, Joshua (Zechariah 3), who served alongside the governor, Zerubbabel (Zech. 4). As Albert Barnes said in his 1834 commentary on Revelation 11:4,

 

“This representation, that the ministers of religion “stand before the Lord,” is one that is not uncommon in the Bible. Thus it is said of the priests and Levites: ‘The Lord separated the tribe of Levi, to stand before the Lord, to minister unto him, and to bless his name,’ Deuteronomy 10:8; compare Deuteronomy 18:7. The same thing is said of the prophets, as in the cases of Elijah and Elisha: ‘As the Lord liveth, before whom I stand,’ 1 Kings 17:1; also, 1 Kings 18:152 Kings 3:142 Kings 5:16; compare Jeremiah 15:19. The representation is that they ministered, as it were, constantly in his presence and under his eye.”

 

In Zechariah’s vision, he saw one lampstand (Zech. 4:2). In Revelation 1:12 John saw seven lampstands, which he was told were the seven churches (Rev. 1:20). Here in Rev. 11:4 there were two lampstands, the two witnesses.

 

Ananus ben Ananus and Jesus ben Gamaliel



I would like to propose that the two witnesses were two first century high priests, Ananus ben Ananus and Jesus ben Gamaliel (also known as Joshua). According to Josephus, they led the peace movement in Jerusalem when the Zealots were determined to rebel and incite war with the Romans, hoping to gain full independence for Israel. As we will see, their roles, deaths, the aftermath of their deaths, and the timing of their deaths line up with a number of details John saw in Revelation 11.

 

Here is a short summary of these two men.

 

1.       Ananus: The appointment of Ananus as high priest is recorded in Antiquities 20.9.1. He was appointed in 62 AD. Josephus called him “the ancientest of the high priests” and “a very prudent man” (Wars 4.3.7), “a prodigious lover of liberty” who “preferred peace above all things,” and “a shrewd man in speaking and persuading the people” (Wars 4.5.2). Ironically, in December 66 AD he was appointed as a general over Jerusalem, one of 10 generals appointed to prepare for war with Rome (Wars 2.20.3). A long speech given by Ananus against the Zealots is recorded in Wars 4.3.10.

 

2.  Jesus: The appointment of Jesus as high priest is recorded in Antiquities 20.9.4. He was appointed in 63 or 64 AD, but only for about a year (Ant. 20.9.7). From that time on, Josephus said, Jerusalem was “greatly disordered” and “all things grew worse and worse” (Ant. 20.9.4). Josephus referred to Jesus as “a friend and companion” (Life 41.204), and called him “the eldest of the high priests next to Ananus.” Josephus added that “although he was inferior to [Ananus] upon the comparison, he was superior to the rest” (Wars 4.5.2). Jesus also gave a long speech against the Zealots, which is recorded in Wars 4.4.3.

 

The Zealot Temple Siege

 

Ananus and Jesus were both killed at the same time during the Zealot Temple Siege of February-March 68 AD. This siege took place after the Zealots appointed a fake high priest, Phannias, who “did not well know what the high priesthood was” (Wars 4.3.6-8), and he unworthily presided over that post until Jerusalem was destroyed. In a sense, Ananus and Jesus represented the final lampstands, the final oil-bearing olive trees, of the temple before it was destroyed.

 

Phannias was a fraud, and the people of Jerusalem finally had enough of the Zealots. Ananus and Jesus led them in an uprising:

 

“And now the people could no longer bear the insolence of this procedure, but did altogether run zealously, in order to overthrow that tyranny… The best esteemed also of the high priests, Jesus the son of Gamalas, and Ananus the son of Ananus, when they were at their assemblies, bitterly reproached the people for their sloth, and excited them against the zealots…” (Wars 4.3.9).

 

In his speech (Wars 4.3.10), Ananus said that he would lead the people in an all-or-nothing attack against the Zealots, and that he would not spare his own body in that effort. In that battle, Ananus and his followers actually gained the upper hand against the Zealots, forcing them into the inner temple and gaining control of the rest of the city (Wars 4.3.12). Ananus then chose 6000 armed men to keep the Zealots surrounded and under guard. Unfortunately, as we will see, this strategy came undone because of the trickery of John Levi of Gischala (Wars 4.3.13-14).

Revelation 11:5-6

 

In Revelation 11:5 we read that fire would proceed out of the mouths of the two witnesses to devour their enemies who would try to harm them. Compare this to what Jeremiah was told:

 

Because you speak this word, behold, I will make My words in your mouth fire, and this people wood, and it shall devour them” (Jeremiah 5:14).

 

For more on God’s word being like a fire, and having the power to “slay” people, see Jeremiah 23:29 and Hosea 6:5.

 

Revelation 11:6 says that the two witnesses would “have power to shut heaven, so that no rain falls in the days of their prophecy…” Note that during the days of Elijah “it did not rain for three years and six months” (James 5:17; Luke 4:25). This matches the duration of time that the two witnesses would prophesy (Rev. 11:3). During the Roman siege in 70 AD, Josephus gave a speech to the Zealots in which he mentioned that the springs of water were “almost dried up” while Jerusalem was in the hands of the Zealots, but suddenly had more than enough water once the Romans arrived. This indicates that there was a lack of rain during the time that the Zealots controlled Jerusalem:

 

“…and as for Titus, those springs that were formerly almost dried up when they were under your power since he is come, run more plentifully than they did before; accordingly, you know that Siloam, as well as all the other springs that were without the city, did so far fail, that water was sold by distinct measures; whereas they now have such a great quantity of water for your enemies, as is sufficient not only for drink both for themselves and their cattle, but for watering their gardens also” (Wars 5.9.4.409-410).

 

Josephus said that Ananus had “the mastery of those that opposed his designs, or were for the war” (Wars 4.5.2). Josephus didn’t give many details about how he mastered his opponents, but this indicates that Ananus remained untouchable for a significant period of time even while the Zealots had their way in Jerusalem.

 

Revelation 11:7-9

 

Revelation 11:7-9 says this about the two witnesses:

 

Now when they finish their testimony, the beast that ascends out of the bottomless pit will make war against them, overcome them, and kill themAnd their dead bodies will lie in the street of the great city which spiritually is called Sodom and Egypt, where also our Lord was crucified. Then those from the peoples, tribes, tongues, and nations will see their dead bodies three and a half days, and not allow their dead bodies to be put into the graves.

 

Here “the beast” is mentioned for the very first time in the book of Revelation. (As we discussed in the previous post, it seems evident that John expected his readers to be familiar with Daniel’s description of the fourth beast in Daniel 7.) Here is also the first mention of “the great city” (later mentioned in Rev. 14:8; 16:19; 17:18; 18:10, 16, 18-19, 21). “The great city” is clearly defined as Jerusalem, the place where Jesus was crucified (e.g. Luke 9:31).

 

It’s significant that the beast oversees the deaths of the two witnesses in Jerusalem. This has a bearing on whether the beast was Roman, as many suppose, or Jewish, which is the view I’m presenting in this series. As we saw in our study of Daniel, the Romans were not in Jerusalem from August 66 AD until April 70 AD, except for a few days in November 66 AD when Cestius Gallus led a failed attack on the city. If the events of Revelation 11 took place anytime between late 66 AD and the spring of 70 AD, the beast that overcame the two witnesses was Jewish, not Roman. The events which I believe fulfilled this prophecy took place in February-March 68 AD.

 

In February 68 AD, Ananus urged the people of Jerusalem to oppose the lawless Jewish Zealots who had taken over the temple as “blood-shedding villains.” John Levi of Gischala was a Zealot leader who had recently come to Jerusalem, but he pretended to be on the side of Ananus and was invited to be an ambassador to the Zealots (Wars 4.3.13). John quickly betrayed him and falsely claimed that Ananus had invited the Roman general Vespasian to conquer Jerusalem (Wars 4.3.14).

 

In response, the Zealot leaders Eleazar ben Simon and Zacharias ben Phalek requested help from the Idumeans, who lived south of Judea. The Zealots told the Idumeans that “unless they would come immediately to their assistance… the city would be in the power of the Romans.”

 

Even though the Zealots were trapped in the inner temple, they somehow managed to sneak out two messengers to deliver this message to the Idumeans (Wars 4.4.2-3). In fulfillment of Revelation 9:13-16, the Idumeans quickly prepared an army of 20,000 directed by four commanders (Wars 4.4.2):

 

“Now these [Idumean] rulers were greatly surprised at the contents of the letter, and at what those that came with it further told them; whereupon they ran about the nation like madmen, and made proclamation that the people should come to war; so a multitude was suddenly got together, sooner indeed than the time appointed in the proclamation, and everybody caught up their arms, in order to maintain the liberty of their metropolis; and twenty thousand of them were put into battle-array, and came to Jerusalem, under four commanders, John, and Jacob the son of Sosas; and besides these were Simon, the son of Cathlas, and Phineas, the son of Clusothus.”

 

When the Idumeans came to Jerusalem, at first Ananus’ guards prevented them from coming into the city. Jesus gave a speech in which he denied that anyone had betrayed Jerusalem to the Romans. He invited the Idumeans to help deliver the city from the real enemies, the Zealots, but the Idumeans were not persuaded (Wars 4.4.3-4).

 

In the midst of a terrible storm and an earthquake that night, most of the guards were allowed to go home and some of the Zealots managed to come out of the temple and use saws to cut through the gates. This allowed the Idumeans to enter the city, and the Zealots joined them in slaughtering the guards (Wars 4.5.1). The next day the Idumeans, working on behalf of the Zealots, hunted down and killed Ananus and Jesus, who had long tormented the Zealots by opposing their war and working for peace:

 

“[The Idumeans] sought for the high priests, and … went with the greatest zeal against them; and as soon as they caught them they slew them, and then standing upon their dead bodies, in way of jest, upbraided Ananus with his kindness to the people, and Jesus with his speech made to them from the wall.

 

Nay, they proceeded to that degree of impiety, as to cast away their dead bodies without burial … I should not mistake if I said that the death of Ananus was the beginning of the destruction of the city… He … preferred peace above all things; …h e was a shrewd man in speaking and persuading the people, and had already gotten the mastery of those that opposed his designs, or were for the war… And this at last was the end of Ananus and Jesus” (Wars 4.5.2).

 

So John and Josephus both described two individuals in Jerusalem who were hated, basically invincible for a while, finally killed, and not allowed to be buried.

 

Revelation 11:10 (Festival of Purim?)

 

Revelation 11:10 describes the reaction of those who were glad to be rid of the two witnesses:

 

And those who dwell on the earth will rejoice over them, make merry, and send gifts to one another, because these two prophets tormented those who dwell on the earth.”

 

The word “earth,” as we discussed earlier, often means “land,” i.e. the land of Israel. This is certainly the case here, as the two witnesses were based in, and killed in, Jerusalem.

 

In the previous verse we read that “peoples, tribes, tongues, and nations” would see the dead bodies of the two witnesses. Why was there such a diverse population at that time? Was it because it took place during a festival, when Jews from various nations would be gathered in Jerusalem? If so, the description in verse 10 sounds like the festival of Purim:

 

“Purim is a Jewish holiday that commemorates the saving of the Jewish people from Haman, who was plotting to kill all the Jews. This took place in the ancient Persian Empire … The day of deliverance became a day of feasting and rejoicing. Based on the conclusions of the Scroll of Esther (Esther 9:22): “…that they should make them days of feasting and gladness, and of sending portions one to another, and gifts to the poor.” Purim is therefore celebrated among Jews by: Exchanging reciprocal gifts of food and drink… Eating a celebratory meal… Other customs include drinking wine or any other alcoholic beverage, wearing of masks and costumes, and public celebration (Wikipedia: Purim).

 

The deaths of Ananus and Jesus are commonly said to have taken place in February or March 68 AD. The Fast of Esther and Purim are typically celebrated from the 13th – 16th of Adar. In the year 68 AD, the last day of Adar was March 22nd, according to our modern calendar (“The Jewish war: a new tr.,” p. 191). Therefore, since each Jewish month was 29 or 30 days, we can know that the Fast of Esther and Purim took place around March 4-7 in 68 AD.

 

It appears that when the Zealots celebrated Purim in March 68 AD, they not only celebrated the deliverance from Haman that took place in Esther’s day, but they also celebrated being free from Ananus and Jesus and all their efforts to oppose the Zealots and achieve peace with Rome. 

 

After all, they believed the lie told by John of Gischala – that Ananus had invited Vespasian to capture Jerusalem, and that Ananus intended for them all to be captured by the Romans.

 

A short while later, another Zealot leader, Simon Bar Giora, found out that Ananus was dead. He was at Masada because Ananus had previously driven him away from Acrabattene, a toparchy of Judea, because of his tyranny there (Wars 2.22.1-2). When Simon “heard of the death of Ananus, he … went into the mountainous part of the country. So he proclaimed liberty to those in slavery, and a reward to those already free, and got together a set of wicked men from all quarters” (Wars 4.9.3). This is just one example of how the Zealots behaved as if they were free of the “torments” of Ananus and Jesus.

 

Revelation 11:11-12

 

Now after the three and a half days the breath of life from God entered them, and they stood on their feet, and great fear fell on those who saw them. And they heard a loud voice from heaven saying to them, ‘Come up here.’ And they ascended to heaven in a cloud, and their enemies saw them” (Revelation 11:11-12).

 

….

 

Revelation 11:13

 

Revelation 11:13 reads this way:

 

In the same hour there was a great earthquake, and a tenth of the city fell. In the earthquake seven thousand men were killed, and the rest were afraid and gave glory to the God of heaven.”

 

In Wars 4.4.5 Josephus described an earthquake that took place the night the Idumeans broke into Jerusalem, the day before Ananus and Jesus were killed:

 

“[F]or there broke out a prodigious storm in the night, with the utmost violence, and very strong winds, with the largest showers of rain, with continued lightnings, terrible thunderings, and amazing concussions and bellowings of the earth, that was in an earthquake … anyone would guess that these wonders foreshowed some grand calamities that were coming.”

 

That same night the Idumeans slaughtered those who had prevented them from coming in:

 

“The zealots also joined in the shouts raised by the Idumeans; and the storm itself rendered the cry more terrible; nor did the Idumeans spare anybody; for as they are naturally a most barbarous and bloody nation, and had been distressed by the tempest, they made use of their weapons against those that had shut the gates against them… Now there was at present neither any place for flight, nor any hope of preservation; but as they were driven one upon another in heaps, so were they slain… And now the outer temple was all of it overflowed with blood; and that day, as it came on, they saw eight thousand five hundred dead bodies there” (Wars 4.5.1).

 

Did 7000 die in the earthquake, and another 1500 die by the swords of the Idumeans? In any case, John’s prediction of 7000 deaths is very close to the 8500 deaths mentioned by Josephus. Furthermore, this earthquake and the deaths of Ananus and Jesus were less than 24 hours apart, certainly qualifying as taking place “in the same hour.”

 

Typically, estimates of Jerusalem’s population in the first century range from 30,000 to 100,000 people, so it’s very reasonable to conclude that 7000 deaths in 68 AD represented a tenth of the city falling. Even if the normal population was closer to 30,000, it would have been higher at the time of that earthquake if it took place around the festival of Purim. This was a minor festival, so the population may have doubled, but it wouldn’t have swollen to 250,000 or more as it would during the major festivals.

 

Jerusalem Took a Turn for the Worse

 

The deaths of Ananus and Jesus marked a significant turning point for Jerusalem, according to Josephus:

 

“I should not mistake if I said that the death of Ananus was the beginning of the destruction of the city, and that from this very day may be dated the overthrow of her wall, and the ruin of her affairs, whereon they saw their high priest, and the procurer of their preservation, slain in the midst of their city… to say all in a word, if Ananus had survived they had certainly compounded matters… And the Jews had then put abundance of delays in the way of the Romans, if they had had such a general as he was” (Wars 4.5.2).

 

After their deaths, the Zealots and the Idumeans “fell upon the people as upon a flock of profane animals, and cut their throats.” Others endured “terrible torments” before finally meeting their deaths. At least 12,000 died in that massacre (Wars 4.5.3). Then one of the Zealots told the Idumeans that they had been tricked, and that Ananus and the high priests never did plot to betray Jerusalem to the Romans. So the Idumeans regretted their actions, saw “the horrid barbarity of [the Zealots who] had invited them,” and they left Jerusalem (Wars 4.5.5). The Zealots, no longer hindered by the high priests or even the Idumeans, then increased their wickedness:

 

“[T]he zealots grew more insolent, not as deserted by their confederates, but as freed from such men as might hinder their designs, and put some stop to their wickedness. Accordingly they made no longer any delay, nor took any deliberation in their enormous practices, but made use of the shortest methods for all their executions, and what they had once resolved upon, they put in practice sooner than anyone could imagine …” (Wars 4.6.1).

 

In summary, Ananus and Jesus were two former high priests, and the most prominent of the high priests during the Jewish-Roman War. As such, they fit the Old Testament imagery of olive trees and lampstands representing those who stood before the Lord in the service of the temple. Until the time of their deaths, they were immune to the harm that their enemies wanted to inflict upon them. They gave speeches predicting the destruction that would come to Jerusalem because of the Zealots and due to the rejection of their message of peace. Jerusalem experienced a drought during that time.

 

They were killed by the Zealots (and their cohorts, the Idumeans) just as the Zealots gained full control of the city. They were not allowed to be buried, and their enemies rejoiced over their deaths. This happened at the same time as an earthquake and the deaths of 8500 people.