Tuesday, November 3, 2026

Tiberius, Claudius, Nero, rule of Egypt

 



by

Damien F. Mackey

 

 “As Pharaoh of Egypt, Nero adopted the royal titulary Autokrator Neron Heqaheqau Meryasetptah Tjemaahuikhasut Wernakhtubaqet Heqaheqau Setepennenu Merur ('Emperor Nero, Ruler of rulers, chosen by Ptah, beloved of Isis, the sturdy-armed one who struck the foreign lands, victorious for Egypt,

ruler of rulers, chosen of Nun who loves him')”.

 Roman Times

 

 

For accompanying reading, see my articles:

 

Tiberius Claudius Nero

 

(11) Tiberius Claudius Nero

 

Tiberius Claudius Nero knew how to bring the house down

 

(11) Tiberius Claudius Nero knew how to bring the house down

 

Tiberius

 

Why Does This Newly Discovered 2,000-Year-Old Stone Slab Depict a Roman Emperor as an Egyptian Pharaoh?

 

Why Does This Newly Discovered 2,000-Year-Old Stone Slab Depict a Roman Emperor as an Egyptian Pharaoh?

 

The sandstone monument shows Tiberius standing next to a family of local gods. Archaeologists say the scene illustrates the ruler’s role as a leader who upheld cosmic order in Egyptian society

 

Meilan Solly | Senior Associate Digital Editor, History

April 15, 2026

 

This stone slab shows Tiberius standing next to the Egyptian gods Amun, Khonsu and Mut. © CFEETK / K. El-Dowi

 

Restoration work at Karnak, an ancient temple complex near Luxor, Egypt, has revealed a sandstone monument featuring an intriguing image of the Roman emperor Tiberius, who ruled between 14 and 37 C.E.

 

Measuring nearly two feet tall, the upright slab, known as a stela, shows Tiberius standing next to a trio of Egyptian gods: Amun, Khonsu and Mut. As Abdelghaffar Wagdy, co-director of the Franco-Egyptian Center for the Study of the Temples of Karnak, tells Live Science’s Margherita Bassi, the scene was likely intended to depict the emperor upholding maat, or cosmic order, by engaging with local deities.

“To fulfill this role, the ruler needed to be shown performing traditional rituals in a form that the gods would recognize—namely, as a pharaoh,” Wagdy says. Fittingly, Tiberius is shown wearing the double crown donned by ancient Egypt’s rulers, with its two halves representing the unification of Upper and Lower Egypt.

 

The joint French and Egyptian research team found the stela while restoring the gateway of an enclosure wall dated to the reign of Ramses III, who ruled in the 12th century B.C.E. during Egypt’s 20th Dynasty. Archaeologists dismantled the structure entirely, then reassembled it atop modern foundations. They discovered that some of the decorated blocks used to build the gateway were far older than the others, dating to the reign of the 18th-Dynasty pharaoh Amenhotep III, some 200 years prior. As Nevine El-Aref writes for Ahram Online, the find suggests “the presence of an earlier gateway at the site” whose blocks were later reused.

 

The gateway of the Ramses III enclosure wall after restoration

© CFEETK / E. Saubestre

 

According to a statement from Egypt’s Ministry of Tourism and Antiquities, experts uncovered the stela in a layer of earth associated with mud-brick structures from the late Roman and Byzantine periods. Below the carved images of Tiberius and the triad of three gods, five lines of hieroglyphs record the restoration of an enclosure wall in a temple dedicated to Amun, protector of the pharaohs and the patron deity of Thebes.

 

This isn’t the first time that archaeologists have unearthed artistic portrayals of Roman emperors as Egyptian pharaohs. In 2014, experts announced that they’d discovered a carving of Claudius wearing a crown adorned with ram horns and three falcons. Hieroglyphs identified the emperor as the “Son of Ra, Lord of the Crowns,” as well as the king of Upper and Lower Egypt. Additionally, the Louvre houses a bust of a different Roman ruler, perhaps Nero, donning a striped linen headdress known as a nemes. Other examples in Egyptian art include a relief of Trajan offering a sacrifice to the goddess Hathor and a depiction of Augustus, Tiberius’ predecessor and adoptive father, at the Kalabsha Temple near Aswan.

 

Per the Global Egyptian Museum, a digital database of Egyptian artifacts held by cultural institutions around the world, Roman emperors were “considered to be pharaohs; they were depicted on temple walls and wrote their names in hieroglyphs in a cartouche,” or oval frame. At the same time, however, rulers like Tiberius took a largely hands-off approach to governing Egypt, which came under Roman control following the death of Cleopatra in 30 B.C.E. Roman emperors appointed prefects to oversee Egypt in their stead, rarely visiting the province in person.

 

 

A wall relief of Trajan (right) in pharaonic garb, offering a sacrifice to the goddess Hathor and her son Ihy Saher.tarek via Wikimedia Commons under CC BY-SA 4.0

 

Per the Global Egyptian Museum, a digital database of Egyptian artifacts held by cultural institutions around the world, Roman emperors were “considered to be pharaohs; they were depicted on temple walls and wrote their names in hieroglyphs in a cartouche,” or oval frame. At the same time, however, rulers like Tiberius took a largely hands-off approach to governing Egypt, which came under Roman control following the death of Cleopatra in 30 B.C.E. Roman emperors appointed prefects to oversee Egypt in their stead, rarely visiting the province in person.

The newly discovered slab “reflects a standard ideological and administrative system, in which emperors were presented as pious builders and protectors of temples, regardless of their actual level of involvement,” Wagdy tells Live Science. “The monument expresses what a king should be in Egyptian terms rather than documenting his personal achievements.”

 

Claudius

 

Roman Emperor Claudius Dressed as Egyptian Pharaoh in Newfound Carving | Scientific American

 

March 27, 2014

 

Roman Emperor Claudius Dressed as

Egyptian Pharaoh in Newfound Carving

 

Roman emperors were often depicted as pharaohs while Egypt was part of the Roman empire

 

By Owen Jarus & LiveScience

 

An ancient stone carving on the walls of an Egyptian temple depicts the Roman emperor Claudius dressed as an Egyptian pharaoh, wearing an elaborate crown, a team of researchers has discovered.

 

In the carving, Emperor Claudius, who reigned from A.D. 41 to 54, is shown erecting a giant pole with a lunar crescent at the top. Eight men, each wearing two feathers, are shown climbing the supporting poles, with their legs dangling in midair.

 

Egyptian hieroglyphs in the carving call Claudius the "Son of Ra, Lord of the Crowns," and say he is "King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Lord of the Two Lands." The hieroglyphs say he is raising the pole of the tent (or cult chapel) of Min (an ancient Egyptian god of fertility and power) and notes a date indicating a ritual like this took place around the summertime researchers say. It would have taken place even though Claudius never visited Egypt. A cult chapel is a place of worship and a tent could also be used for this purpose. ….

 

(Image credit: Photo by Marleen De Meyer, line drawing by Troy Sagrillo.)

 

The elaborate crown on Claudius consists of three rushes (plants) set on ram horns with three falcons sitting on top. Three solar discs representing the sun (one for each plant) are shown in front of the rushes. Egyptian rulers are shown wearing crowns like this relatively late in ancient Egyptian history, mainly after 332 B.C., and they were worn only in Egypt. The Roman Empire took over Egypt in 30 B.C., and while the Roman emperors were not Egyptian, they were still depicted as pharaohs Egyptologists have noted.

 

In the recently discovered carving, the god Min is shown wearing his own crown and has an erect penis, because Min was a god of fertility, the researchers said.

 

(Image credit: Photo by Marleen De Meyer, line drawing by Troy Sagrillo.)

 

The hieroglyphs describe Min as "the one who brings into control the warhorses, whose fear is in the Two Lands." Min tells Claudius, "I give you the (southern) foreign lands," which researchers say could be a reference to the deserts surrounding the Nile River, where minerals could be quarried.

 

The scene was discovered on the western exterior wall of the Temple of Isis at Shanhur, located on the east bank of the Nile River about 12 miles (20 kilometers) north of Luxor. It is an Egyptian temple built and decorated during the Roman occupation under Augustus (who reigned from about 30 B.C. to A.D. 14) through to Trajan (who reigned from A.D. 98 to 117). The pole-raising scene was first found during the 2000-2001 excavation season and was recorded in full during the 2010 epigraphic (recording) season. The temple originally had 36 scenes on each of its eastern and western exterior walls, and this new scene, protected for millennia by a layer of dirt, is one of the best preserved.

 

Nero

 

Roman Times: Roman emperor as pharaoh

 

Roman emperor as pharaoh

 

A block that originally formed part of a screen wall that connected the four front columns and the sidewalls of the temple of Harendotes ("Horus the Avenger") on the island of Philae represents the "Baptism of Pharaoh," a purification ritual that was part of Egyptian coronation ceremonies. The gods Horus (not preserved) and the ibis-headed Thoth, god of wisdom, pours water, represented by streams of the hieroglyphs ankh (life) and was (dominion), over the head of the king. The pharaoh whose head is partially preserved is a Claudian emperor, most probably either Claudius or Nero as defined in the strip of hieroglyphs along the top of the relief.

Cornice Block with Relief Showing the Baptism of Pharaoh (either Claudius or Nero), 41–68 CE, from the Temple of Harendotes on the island of Philae, Egypt,

Roman Period at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.

 

As Pharaoh of Egypt, Nero adopted the royal titulary Autokrator Neron Heqaheqau Meryasetptah Tjemaahuikhasut Wernakhtubaqet Heqaheqau Setepennenu Merur ('Emperor Nero, Ruler of rulers, chosen by Ptah, beloved of Isis, the sturdy-armed one who struck the foreign lands, victorious for Egypt, ruler of rulers, chosen of Nun who loves him').  At 16 years old, Nero was the youngest sole emperor until Elagabalus who became emperor at the age of 14 in 218 CE. Perhaps this is reflected in the Egyptian relief depicting a young man with soft mouth.

 

Nero as a boy 1st century CE, courtesy of Wikimedia Commons contributor Prioryman.

 

According to Suetonius, at the end of his reign when his Praetorian Guard abandoned him, Nero toyed with the idea of fleeing to Parthia, throwing himself upon the mercy of Galba, or appealing to the people and begging them to pardon him for his past offences "and if he could not soften their hearts, to entreat them at least to allow him the prefecture of Egypt." Suetonius reports that the text of a speech to this effect was later found in Nero's writing desk, but that he dared not give it from fear of being torn to pieces before he could reach the Forum.

 

Finally, given another article of mine:

 

Domitian - likenesses to Nero

 

(11) Domitian - likenesses to Nero

 

is there any possible connection here?:

 

Lucius Domitius Domitianus


Domitius Domitianus

 

Lucius Domitius Domitianus: Egypt’s Roman Savior

 

By Kenneth R. Kline Jr.

 

4595. Silvered follis, RIC 20, C 1, VF/aVF, turquoise patina, some silvering,

nicely centered, 7.4g, 26.1mm, 0°, Alexandria mint, c. 295-296 A.D.; obverse IMP C L DOMITIVS DOMITIANVS AVG, laureate head right; reverse GENIO POPVLI ROMANI, Genius standing left, modius on head, holding patera and cornucopia, eagle at feet;

A left, ALE in ex; rare.

 

Lucius Domitius Domitianus was, in some scholars’ opinions, one of the most effective and steadfast Augusti to ever rule over a Roman domain, even if the rule was simply for a period of months.  Unfortunately, other than several small references to him in papyri and contemporary writings of the day, much of our knowledge of his existence is limited to the small amount of coinage he produced.  In the end, due to this lack of historical certainty, Domitianus, and his role in the final days of the Egyptian revolt of 297-298, has become somewhat of the enigma that scholars can only hope to someday understand.


General Background

 

Stationed in Egypt during the early years of Diocletian’s tetrarchy, Domitius Domitianus may very well be one of the most under appreciated and historically ignored emperors of the late Imperial time period. Rising to power in a time when Egypt direly needed leadership the most, Domitian, as he preferred himself to be called, held an eight month vigil against the entirety of the Roman Empire in an attempt to correct many of the atrocities that had been inflicted upon Egypt.

 

Heavily taxed and overburdened with political corruption, Egypt was but an empty shell of its once former glory by the late third century.  By 296 CE, irrigation channels had been so ignored and had fallen into such disarray, that Egypt’s agriculture was literally being strangled into oblivion. Domitianus, well known for his keen ability to use logic in matters concerning Egypt, understood that Rome had no plans to remedy the situation.  After several small uprisings in upper and lower Egypt, and an outright open rebellion at Coptos, the knowledgeable leader saw his window of opportunity open.  Several references state that with such a keen knowledge of Egypt’s troubles, Domitianus offered the disgruntled citizenship a plan of systematic remedies. The remedies were so well conceived and convincing that the people of the area offered him up as their leader.

 

Upon entering Alexandria, Domitianus took the title of Augustus and reportedly swayed the Roman troops there to his cause as well.  One can only imagine the refined speaking and rhetorical skills this man must have possessed to tame the normally fickle and unruly Alexandrian crowds of the period. Here Domitius Domitianus would stay for the duration of eight months. 

Issuing edicts concerning taxation reform, Domitius became more and more loved by his followers, and more and more despised by Diocletian who had to order neutralizing counter-edicts. Within that short period of time, the de facto ruler would stabilize agricultural projects, initialize impressive military fronts, and, of most importance to the classical numismatist, attempt to reform the outdated Alexandrian system of coinage.

 

The Coinage

 

Of dire importance in maintaining his base of power, Domitianus comprehended the necessity for coinage reforms in Egypt. Allowed basically only the tetradrachm as a common form of exchange, there was an absolute breakdown in Egypt’s monetary system.  To simplify the problem to its basic root, Egypt literally had no system for "making change.”  All matters of monetary importance had to be waged with the tetradrachm, a denomination far too large for most small, daily transactions. Noting this inadequacy, Domitianus commissioned the creation of several new denominations in the Egyptian economy.

 

By late 296, the new octadrachm and didrachm were introduced to the Alexandrian public. The octadrachm, set upon a value standard similar to the early Roman antoninianus, averaged approximately 23-24 millimeters in diameter; the tetradrachm remained its well-known 19-20 millimeter size; and the didrachm was slightly smaller at a 17-18 millimeter diameter. Designs for each of the coins were kept at a portrait obverse, but, ingeniously used as another attempt to keep the people and legions happy, reverses featuring Serapis and Nike were utilized. A final coinage reform would take place in the production of a gold aureus featuring Victory and a bronze follis featuring the Roman Genius. These two highly known Roman denominations were most likely used as a source of payment for external trade, thus supporting the argument that Domitianus had very long term plans in mind for Egypt.  In the end, these monetary reforms must have struck a chord with the populace because Domitianus’ popularity was solidified even more resoundingly.

 

The End of the Dream

 

Meanwhile, as Domitianus stabilized himself more within the Egyptian culture, the full wrath and fury of Rome was bearing down on him.  Diocletian, who had earlier sent Domitianus to Egypt in an attempt to stop the troublesome rebellions, now found his former confidant leading the rebellion against him.  Showing his resolve in the affairs of Domitianus, Diocletian sent Galerius, his Caesar, to deal with the Persian conflict in Syria, as he personally took charge of the expedition into Egypt.  However, victory would not come easily for Diocletian.  In a drawn out series of quick skirmishes and forceful tactics, and with limited military resources, Domitianus was actually able to withstand Diocletian’s relentless advances for months on end.  This infuriated the tetrarch to even greater resolve. Finally, by late December 297 CE, Diocletian had regained control of almost every area of Egypt.  Alexandria, itself, had yet to capitulate.

 

It is here, at this point, where the numismatic, papyrological, and literary histories become muddled and contradictory.  In some literary references, it is believed that Domitianus raised his "corrector” and head official of Alexandria’s defense, Aurelius Achilleus, to the status of co-Augustus in an attempt to divide between them much of the work that was still required in Egypt. 

A second, more whimsical belief, as suggested by the papyrological record, is that "Achilleus” was simply a nickname given to Domitianus by the Alexandrians, much like the nickname "Caracalla” being given to Marcus Aurelius Antoninus a century earlier.  Currently, however, most historians, in an attempt to unify the contradicting records, believe that Domitianus died, or was killed, in December of 297 or January of 298 CE, and that he was simply succeeded by Achilleus as ruler. By any measure, it is well known that Diocletian, at last, succeeded in putting down the revolt by March of 298 CE. 

It is also very well understood that Diocletian was so infuriated with the resistance of Domitianus, or Achilleus, or both, that he uncharacteristically permitted general proscription and massacre in Alexandria once it had fallen.  As a result, Egypt would plummet even more harshly into the darkness of an Empire that would soon crumble itself.

 

Epilogue

 

In several texts concerning ancient coinage, the name Domitius Domitianus is synonymous with the title of usurper and rebel… very little else is written or known about him.  To say the very least, perhaps more attention should be placed squarely upon what Domitianus was able to accomplish in his short span of power.  In eight months time, Domitianus miraculously outmaneuvered the most powerful military force the world had ever known, while also invoking positive reforms in the government, agriculture, and finance of Egypt.  As authoritatively written by James W. Curtis, "…Domitianus emerges as one of the few potentially great men, who might, under other conditions, have arrested indefinitely the gradual decay of the erstwhile granary of the eastern Mediterranean, Egypt.” In accomplishing so much for Egypt in a matter of months, had his usurpation gone unchecked, one wonders what he or his officials may have been able to do if given the span of years. ….

 

 

 



 

 

Monday, November 2, 2026

Domitian - likenesses to Nero

 



by

Damien F. Mackey

 

 “The reigns of Nero and Domitian formed the crucible in which Christian identity and theology were tested and refined. While Nero's persecution was

grotesquely violent and politically motivated, Domitian's was more systemic, rooted in ideological tyranny and the demands of emperor worship”.

 

Paul Bernard

 

 

Introduction

 

As noted in my most recent article:

 

Filling out Caesar Augustus - and some who emulated him

 

(10) Filling out Caesar Augustus - and some who emulated him

 

the thought had occurred to me, in the course of my studying the Book of Revelation, that the supposedly two emperors, Nero and Domitian, might have been simply one and the same persecuting tyrant of the early Christians.

 

I explained my thought as follows:

 

Did the Apostle John encounter Nero or Domitian?

 

Years ago, I, when attempting to come to grips with Saint John’s Book of Apocalypse, was struck by the fact that the author, John, was variously said by the ancients to have been exiled during the reign of Nero, on the one hand, or by Domitian, on the other. The reign of Domitian is generally favoured as the era when the book was written: Book of Revelation - Wikipedia

“The Book of Revelation is commonly dated to about 95 AD, as suggested by clues in the visions pointing to the reign of the Roman Emperor Domitian (81–96) …”.

 

But that is far too late!

 

Apart from it making the yet still vigorous (even to riding a horse) Apostle John an extremely old man, the Book of Apocalypse clearly pre-dates the Fall of Jerusalem in 70 AD (standard date). On this, see e.g. my article:

 

Theme of Apocalypse – the Bride and the Reject

 

(5) Theme of Apocalypse – the Bride and the Reject

 

And see also my suggestion that Saint John may have been one of the Two Witnesses of Revelation 11:

 

The Two Witnesses as Apostles of the Lord

 

(4) The Two Witnesses as Apostles of the Lord

 

I, instead, employing a favourite trick of mine - that often, but not always, works - thought to fuse Nero and Domitian into the one emperor, based partly on the similarity of names of Nero, originally Lucius Domitius Ahenobarbus, and Domitian. ….

 

BBC - History - Historic Figures: Nero (37 AD - 68 AD)

“Nero was born near Rome on 15 December 37 AD and was known as a child as Domitius”. 

 

Nero and Domitian are very frequently compared.   

 

Even back in antiquity, the satirist Juvenal called Domitian calvus Nero (“bald Nero”).

 

Domitian was supposedly, also, a “second Nero”:

Furturisim, Preterism, or Hidden History? | Nicklas Arthur – Prophecy Reformation Now – HOME

“…. The phrase “second Nero” referring to the Roman emperor Domitian (r. 81–96 CE) appears in several ancient and modern contexts, but it stems primarily from posthumous criticism by senators and writers hostile to him after his assassination and the damnatio memoriae (condemnation of his memory). The most direct and commonly cited ancient source for explicitly or implicitly calling Domitian a “second Nero” is the satirist Juvenal (Decimus Junius Juvenalis), in his Satires …. In Satire 4, Juvenal refers to Domitian as calvus Nero (“bald Nero”), drawing a parallel between Domitian’s tyrannical behavior and that of Nero (r. 54–68 CE), emphasizing similarities in cruelty, autocracy, and persecution while noting the physical difference (Domitian was bald)”.

 

Damnatio memoriæ was common to Nero, to Domitian:

 

Caligula, Nero, Domitian, condemnation of memory

 

(10) Caligula, Nero, Domitian, condemnation of memory

 

AI Overview

“Ancient writers frequently compared Nero and Domitian as archetypal tyrants, noting shared themes of autocracy, persecution, and moral condemnation …. Both emperors were portrayed as cruel, authoritarian, and hostile to elites …”.

 

Paul Bernard writes:

The Cultural Landscape Under Nero and Domitian — Crossroads Church Bigfork

 

The reigns of Nero (A.D. 54–68) and Domitian (A.D. 81–96) represent two of the most infamous chapters in early Christian history, particularly with respect to state-sanctioned persecution. The cultural and political climates under both emperors were marked by imperial absolutism, religious expectations of loyalty to the emperor, and deep suspicion of minority groups who refused to conform. Christians—seen as subversive, ‘atheistic,’ and socially disruptive—often bore the brunt of the social hostility.

….

Both Nero’s and Domitian’s reigns reveal how Christians were perceived as cultural outsiders. They refused to participate in festivals, sacrifices, or imperial cult rituals—actions seen as threats to Roman unity. Will Durant notes, “The refusal of Christians to share in pagan customs or festivals was taken as a sign of enmity to society, and often blamed for natural disasters or political setbacks.”

 

David deSilva explains, “To withdraw from the public rites of devotion to the emperor... was to stand against the order of the cosmos as defined by Roman ideology.” Christians who refused to burn incense before the emperor’s image or participate in festivals dedicated to Rome were seen as enemies of social cohesion.

….

The reigns of Nero and Domitian formed the crucible in which Christian identity and theology were tested and refined. While Nero's persecution was grotesquely violent and politically motivated, Domitian's was more systemic, rooted in ideological tyranny and the demands of emperor worship.

Both emperors contributed to the marginalization of Christians in the Roman world, forging a legacy of suffering that would shape Christian memory and theology for generations. These early trials also prompted the Christian community to solidify its understanding of faithfulness, endurance, and the kingdom of God in contrast to the oppressive claims of earthly powers. ….

 

And there are many more of such brief comparisons, and/or contrasts.

 

But this one by Michael Charles is more comprehensive:

AC45-02-Charles.pdf

 

ACTA CLASSICA XLV (2002)

 

CALVUS NERO: DOMlTIAN AND THE MECHANICS

OF PREDECESSOR DENIGRATION*

 

Michael Charles

 

University of Queensland

 

ABSTRACT

 

The post-Domitianic literary record differs markedly from that of the emperor's reign. Although portrayed as a victorious general, defender of Roman morality and a great builder while alive, he is described, after his assassination and damnatio memoriae. as a vainglorious and immoral tyrant. While judgment will not be passed on the man himself, this article will attempt to show that the record of Domitian's reign and character was dictated not so much by reality as by the mechanics of predecessor denigration. What had been acceptable (and laudable) for other emperors was to become unacceptable (and worthy of condemnation) for Domitian. His virtues were made into vices and his successes were rendered as failures- all in order to accord with what was expected of a tyrant, a calvus Nero.

 

Juvenal, in his fourth Satire, wrote that Rome, under Domitian, was in the control of a calvus Nero (4.38). Such an epithet suggests to his audience that the two emperors Domitian and Nero were identical in terms of behaviour and morality, and that it was only Domitian's baldness that differentiated him from his notorious predecessor. Although the reconstructed personalities of Nero and Domitian show marked differences, analysis of the ancient literary record of both emperors reveals a great number of similarities, so much so that Juvenal's statement is, on the surface at least, not without justification. Nero, only a quarter of a century after his death, had become the archetypal tyrant, a man whose supposed cruelty, profligacy and debauched character had become legendary amongst the Roman aristocracy. …. Domitian, when he was depicted as another Nero, thus received the ultimate condemnation. This paper will attempt to provide a 'case in point' for predecessor denigration and a brief resume of the Domitianic and post-Domitianic reaction to aspects of the emperor's conduct with the exception of Philostratus and the Byzantine epitomes of Cassius Dio, 'post-Domitianic' will refer to accounts written in the reigns of Nerva, Trajan and Hadrian, to the general exclusion of later writers such as Aurelius Victor and John Malalas. It should be noted, too, that the present article necessarily owes much to Ramage's work on predecessor denigration … and to the various scholars who have attempted to rehabilitate the last Flavian emperor. ….

As is widely recognised, the majority of post-Domitianic literature relating to Domitian's reign was penned either by the senatorial elite, a small and judgmental section of Roman society, or by poets who sought the favour of the new regime. The eques Suetonius, Hadrian's one-time ab epistulis, remains a notable exception. Consequently, a 'good' emperor was one who took pains to placate the Senate, one who strove to preserve the façade of senatorial rule. A 'bad' emperor, however, was one who failed to disguise the true nature of imperial power. Such an emperor, at least according to those who wrote after 96, was Domitian. Yet this explains only in part why the post-Domitianic literary record is so condemnatory.

We might simplistically say that Domitian was portrayed as a calvus Nero because he executed so many members of the senatorial order. …. Yet Claudius, one of the deified emperors, may have put more senators to death than did Domitian. …. Why, then, did the Senate fail to condemn Claudius? Why was the despised cripple allowed to become Divus Claudius, a god like his grandfather Augustus? The answer, at least at a superficial level, is surprisingly simple. Claudius was succeeded by Nero, his adoptive son. Although Nero was neither friend nor admirer of Claudius - he owed his position entirely to the machinations of Agrippina the Younger, his scheming mother - it was in his best interests to deify his 'father' and thus consolidate his rule.

Like Domitian … Nero felt the need to ally himself with divinity in order to reinforce public perceptions of his imperial infallibility. …. Of course, the new emperor's pietas did not last for long. This is evidenced by the publication of the Apocolocyntosis Divi Claudii (generally thought to have been written by Seneca the Younger) and Suetonius' affirmation that rites associated with Claudius' deification were soon neglected (Claud. 45). …. Still, Nero's initial action prevented an official condemnation of the dead Caesar. Despite the accounts of Suetonius and Tacitus, and the scurrilous verse of Juvenal, Claudius' position as a 'good' emperor remains, to this day, surprisingly intact. …. Nero, on the other hand, had also executed a great many senators, yet he, like Domitian, suffered damnatio memoriae. For the most part, this was the result of being succeeded (after the abortive reigns of Galba, Otho and Vitellius) by a new and necessarily hostile dynasty that was eager to allay senatorial fears of renewed tyranny.

In literature, the present was regularly depicted as a happy age, an era in which, as Tacitus relates, it is permitted to write about the current regime without compromising one's integrity (Hist. 1.1). …. It is the ideal age, a revivification of the ancient aetas aurea, compared with which the near past must inevitably suffer by comparison. Against this backdrop of felicity and good-will, the maleficia of the past receive suitable amplification, and, as a happy consequence, appear antithetical to the beneficia carried outby the incumbent dynasty. Consequently, the sycophantic, upon the installation of a new regime, are presented with an opportunity to ingratiate themselves with their new master, while the somewhat more principled, by means of Mahnschriften (such as Pliny's Panegyricus), are able to encourage the reigning emperor to follow the precepts of sound rule. All of this, of course, is a commonplace, and one that has been oft-discussed. Yet the very men who had prospered under Domitian's rule seem to have been loudest in their condemnation of the last Flavian. Pliny the Younger, for instance, was most scathing in his criticism of the preceding dynasty (and Domitian in particular). Indeed, he openly espouses the concept of denigration of predecessor: 'hoc primum erga optimum imperatorem piorum civium officium est, insequi dissimiles' (Pan. 53.2). …. Yet, despite his protests to the contrary," it seems reasonably clear that Pliny had enjoyed the especial favour of the 'tyrant'.  …. Tacitus was at least honest enough to admit that he owed his good fortune to the Flavian principes, not least of all Domitian. …. Those who sought to denigrate Domitian post mortem did so for a variety of reasons, not the least of which were political. …. Even if these detractors had not privately opposed the actions and behaviour of the dead Augustus, they saw no reason to refrain from echoing the official position of abhorrence in their subsequent literary work. Few would have wholeheartedly believed that the res publica was freer under the new dynasty that it had been under Domitian - the atmosphere may have changed, but the mechanisms of power remained. In their quest to secure the favour of the incumbent regime, and, in the case of the senatorial elite, facilitate a more willing dialogue between emperor and Senate, Domitian's detractors deemed it acceptable, and appropriate, to stoop to whatever means they felt were necessary to tarnish the dead emperor's reputation. To be fair, the Senate, as a body, had little choice but to demonstrate their fervour for the new regime by roundly condemning the last of the Flavian principes. Domitian had left no suitable heirs: …. (T. Flavius) Vespasianus and (T. Flavius) Domitianus, his adoptive sons, were too young and had not the political and military experience to command the requisite loyalty of army and Senate. …. Therefore, it would have been largely fruitless, if not dangerous, to have done anything but damn the memory of Domitian and allow the instruments of its propaganda to accord him the mantle of a tyrant, a calvus Nero - and this is precisely what the Senate and its minions did. …. By this means, the senatorial class, amongst whom we must number Nerva and Trajan, was able to exculpate itself from the collective guilt of association that had stemmed from its previous approbation of the 'tyrant'.

            It is interesting to note that many of Domitian's recorded actions are similar to those of Nero. But are these similarities more than coincidental? It would seem so. For instance, Suetonius alleges that no one was allowed to leave the theatre while Nero was singing, a rule which caused pregnant women to give birth where they sat, people to escape over the theatre wall, and others to feign death in order to be carried out as if for burial (Ner. 23.2). Similarly, Cassius Dio (67.8.3) tells us that Domitian refused to allow anyone to leave a gladiatorial event that was being held in the Circus Maximus, despite the fact that a storm had come up suddenly and many of the spectators were soaked in the ensuing downpour. Although Domitian himself rugged up against the chill, he would not allow others to change their attire. Some of the spectators, or so Dio asserts, subsequently became sick and died as a result of having to endure the miserable conditions.

Domitian's alleged financial problems are comparable to those of Nero. According to Suetonius (Dom. 12.1), Domitian was rendered 'exhaustus' by the cost of his buildings and spectacles, as well as by the increase he had made to the soldiers' pay. …. In order to remedy this situation, the emperor resorted to robbery: 'nihil pensi habuit quin praedaretur omni modo' (Dom. 12.1) …. To support this rather extravagant claim, Suetonius states that 'bona uivorum ac mortuorum usquequaque quolibet et accusatore et crimine compiebantur', and that estates were confiscated if it could be 'proved' that the deceased had named Domitian as his heir. Pliny, too, adds that Trajan will never replenish the treasury, if emptied, 'innocentium bonis' (Pan. 55.5) …. The allusion to the last Flavian is clear. …. Nero, like Domitian, had also drained the state's resources with his spectacular games and lavish lifestyle. In order to remedy the situation, he reportedly used calumniae (i.e. false charges of maiestas) to raise funds when he found that he did not have enough money to pay the soldiers (Ner. 32.1). ….

The examples above are only two of number of similarities that are found between Nero and Domitian. As will be seen below, there are others.

It seems evident that those who wrote after the death of Domitian thought that the best method to attack the assassinated emperor was to compare him with Nero. The question whether the last of the Julio-Claudians really was the depraved monster that the ancients described is beside the point - the only thing that needs to be considered is that the literate population regarded Nero as the archetypal tyrant. …. There should be no doubt, therefore, that Juvenal, Martial, Pliny and Tacitus invoked the name of Nero when relating the actions of Domitian in order to denigrate the dead emperor. ….